More U-turns in Mann's government than on Punjab's roads

Over the past three months, the Punjab government’s land pooling policy had become such a contentious issue that a rollback seemed inevitable. The opposition was so widespread, state leadership realised it could turn into a major political liability, with Assembly elections due in 18 months. So, when the Punjab and Haryana High Court issued a stay order on the scheme, the AAP (Aam Aadmi Party) government seized the opportunity to quietly shelve it.

The policy was introduced with much fanfare during the Ludhiana West by-poll, positioned as a gamechanger for urban housing and a boon for farmers willing to part with their land. Ludhiana was to be the biggest beneficiary, with the largest share of land acquisition planned there.

The scheme promised that farmers could voluntarily relinquish their land. Instead of a cash payout, the government would develop it and return a portion as prime real estate. For every acre given, a farmer would get 1,000 square yards of residential land and 200 square yards of commercial land.

Those offering more land stood to gain proportionately. Until the developed plots were handed back, each farmer was also promised an annual subsistence allowance ranging from Rs 30,000 to a lakh.

Yet, from the very start, resistance was fierce. The Congress, Akali Dal and BJP all came out against it. The Congress organised multiple large-scale protests, with former chief minister Charanjit Singh Channi going so far as to call it even more dangerous than the three farm laws.

The fiercest resistance came from farmers’ bodies. They staged dharnas, organised tractor marches and hung ‘no entry’ placards at village entrances for AAP leaders. The backlash was so strong that even AAP leaders began voicing opposition.

One key reason for the farmers’ distrust was the memory of the 2008 scheme rolled out by the Akali Dal government. Many farmers who gave land back then are still waiting for the promised developed plots.

Farmers protesting the proposed land pooling policy Punjab: Sutlej rising in Ferozepur, result of Indus Waters Treaty suspension

The policy was riddled with flaws to begin with. It bypassed the Central land acquisition law, lacked any environmental or social impact study and offered no grievance redressal mechanism — shortcomings that justified the stay order.

Punjab Pradesh Congress president and MP Amarinder Singh Warring hailed the withdrawal as a victory for the farmers’ movement. Perhaps the most biting reaction came from social media, where one user quipped: “There aren’t as many bends on Punjab’s roads as there are U-turns in Bhagwant Mann’s government.

****

”The ‘real’ Akali Dal?

The Shiromani Akali Dal has split once again. The seeds of this rupture were sown months ago when internal dissent in the party began to grow louder. In response, the Akal Takht set up a seven-member panel to reorganise the party. Formed on 2 December 2024, and officially tasked with enrolling fresh members and conducting elections from the grassroots up, it came to be known informally as the ‘bharti (recruitment) committee’.

Akali Dal president Sukhbir Singh Badal was already losing his grip on the party. He was summoned before the Akal Takht and ‘punished’. While he went on to reassert his control, consolidating influence over the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee (SGPC), two members of the bharti committee resigned.

The committee pressed ahead with signing up new members, holding lower-level elections and electing a new party president. It applied to the SGPC for the traditional venue, Teja Singh Samudra Hall, located just outside the Golden Temple complex. The SGPC, however, declined.

The venue was shifted to Gurdwara Burj Akali Phula Singh in Amritsar and the meeting was held on 11 August. Giani Harpreet Singh was declared the new president of the Akali Dal. Once considered close to Sukhbir Badal, Giani Harpreet had served as the Jathedar of Takht Damdama Sahib Talwandi Sabo until February, when he was removed by the SGPC following complaints about his personal conduct.

Akali leader Majithia arrested for 'laundering' Rs 540 cr of 'drug money'

The newly formed Akali Dal faction is now asserting that it is the ‘real’ Akali Dal and will soon stake claim over the party headquarters and election symbol. A prolonged battle between the two factions is likely to play out in the Election Commission of India and courtrooms.

****

Dams, canals and the politics of water

Punjab receives a fair amount of rainfall, but never the kind that might, by itself, trigger largescale disasters. The state is spared flash floods, cyclonic downpours and the kind of relentless torrential rain seen elsewhere. Yet, year after year, vast swathes of Punjab are under water.

One reason lies in the rivers, streams and seasonal channels that descend from the hills of Himachal Pradesh and Jammu & Kashmir. Their waters often flood villages far from the main rivers, travelling through irrigation canals that were never designed for such overflow.

A bigger cause is the sudden release of water from the Ranjit Sagar, Bhakra, Pong and several smaller dams. When these reservoirs, swollen by the monsoon, are drained abruptly, towns and villages downstream are inundated.

The current season is no exception. Villages in nearly every district are waterlogged. According to The Tribune, the village of Udekaran in Muktsar has been submerged for over a month, its paddy crop wiped out and daily life thrown into chaos. Many other villages share the same fate.

The cycle repeats almost every monsoon. Yet Punjab still lacks a robust, coordinated water management system. Experts point to possible solutions — from integrated basin management for all major rivers, to deepening and widening river beds so they can hold more water. But Haryana has consistently resisted such measures, arguing that floods last only two months, after which deeper rivers would retain most of the water in Punjab, leaving little for its downstream neighbour.